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The Truth - Democracy and Civil-Military Relations
The Truth - Democracy and Civil-Military Relations
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Democracy and civil-military relations
At a workshop held at the Sedona Hotel on July 9, Yangon Region Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein said:
"Despite the rise of a civilian administration system, civil-military relations do not exist in a democratic era. According to our protocol, the Commander-in-Chief of Defense is at the level of Director General."
The statement raised a controversial issue and became a topic of heightened interest in the political community. The Tatmadaw also reported that the government had submitted a report on the matter (on July 11). On July 12, it issued a statement. According to the statement, - (1) Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein’s reckless and confrontational statements, (2) undermined the national reconciliation goal of the state government, (3) could create difficulties for the long-term relationship that must be built continuously, (4) (therefore) the Tatmadaw is not suitable for a positive long-term relationship, so it is a matter of investigating and taking necessary action against the Chief Minister of Yangon Region U Phyo Min Thein, or in short, removing U Phyo Min Thein. It was clearly stated that if U Phyo Min Thein remains, it is impossible to have a long-term (positive) relationship with the Tatmadaw.
It is a crisis for the current government and makes it difficult to make the right decision. In fact, this problem is rooted in the hybrid democracy system that has been practiced in our country since the beginning. The opposition NLD party can be defeated, but it is only allowed to form a government under the 2008 Constitution, so it cannot form a fully independent democratic government like Western European countries. One of the vice presidents is from the military. Three important ministerial positions (Home Affairs, Defense, and Border Security) are appointed by the Commander-in-Chief (nominated). 25 percent of the military representatives in the parliament control key laws (for example, Amendment 436). Part-civil, part-military administration, civil-military combined administration, that is why democracy is called hybrid democracy.
U Phyo Min Thein's words refer to the system practiced in true democracies. (Instead of the term "democratic era," one should use the term "true democracies.") Because of this term, it is difficult to speak of Myanmar.
It has become like this. In true democracies, the Chief of Defence Staff is a chief of staff who is subordinate to the Minister of Defence. In the parliamentary government of Myanmar, U Ba Swe was the Minister of Defence, and General Ne Win, as the Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Forces, obeyed the orders of the Minister of Defence. There is a clear distinction between the Cabinet and the civil service. The President, the Prime Minister and the ministers are members of the government, while the rest, including the Chief of Defence Forces, are civil servants. Under the Minister are the Secretaries (now Permanent Secretaries) and the Directors-General. In this regard, U Phyo Min Thein said that the Chief of Defence Staff is at the level of the Director-General according to the Protocol (as per the Order of the President) issued on 3 June 2016. However, the situation in Myanmar is not like this. According to the Presidential Office Notification No. (32/2016) issued on 3 June 2016, the rank of the Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Forces is Level (8) in the Union Order. It was originally level (7) and the position of State Counsellor suddenly appeared, so it was moved down to the next level. Therefore, as U Phyo Min Thein said, the rank of Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Forces is not the rank of Commander-in-Chief (in Myanmar). However, in Western democratic countries, it is the rank of Commander-in-Chief. Therefore, both sides of the debate are not wrong. What is wrong is the current system of democracy that we are practicing.
Thuriya Alin Journal, 19-7-2017.
Government, civil society organizations, and the public
The People’s Action Committee on Elections (PACE) was established in 2013. The main objective of the committee is to understand the democratic aspirations of the people in Myanmar during the transition period and to enable leaders to act accordingly. The survey on this topic was released on January 25, 2018. The data was collected from interviews with people (a total of 2,808) from 254 townships in 14 regions and states of Myanmar between November 5 and 11, 2017.
The survey is not encouraging. (1) Mutual trust within the community is at its lowest level in three years. (2) People are also said to be very little involved in political activities. (For example, only relevant organizations are active in labor and farmer issues.) People are only interested in issues (activities) related to their own region. If I had to analyze this situation, it is because the people have been politically exhausted since the 1988 uprising that brought down the military dictatorship. They have also resigned themselves to the fact that they no longer need to participate because they have already transitioned to democracy. Another reason is that they are so poor that they are struggling to make ends meet and live in peace, and they are unable to turn to politics. We need to analyze this carefully. We do not want people to judge that political awareness is zero. (3) The lack of response to constitutional amendments and environmental issues is not something that ordinary people can understand or relate to. In fact, most people are good followers who are willing to follow leaders who can lead. They are not interested in these issues, so there is no reason to be disappointed. (4) When asked about the performance of the government and elected representatives, one-third of respondents said they were satisfied.
This is a problem for the NLD party (government), not for others. It is clear that its support is declining. It is important to prepare in time before the 2020 election. At the eighth meeting of the NLD Party’s First Central Committee, Mon State Chief Minister Dr. Aye Zan, a member of the Central Committee who serves as the chairman, said, “We should not focus on our positions, prestige, and fame, but focus on the well-being of the people and their well-being.”
This same person who said that the people should be fed soon urged the people to cook the same food to reduce the prices of goods. The main thing is to be distant from the people. On February 3, DVB News held a debate at the Orchid Hotel titled “Do Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) Help Democracy?” This point was pointed out by the participants. This government has prioritized “transparency” since its inception. Daw Suu Kyi said that she would open the Myitsone Dam construction contract to the public once she came to power. However, it seems that she has not yet seen (this contract) in person.
The participants in the event said that they understood the difficulties the government was facing, but that the government needed to clearly and transparently explain these difficulties to the people, so that the people could stand up for themselves in the right way when the government was facing a crisis. In the current situation, peace is far away, and democracy has not yet been fully established. The people, who are surrounded by poverty, insecurity, unemployment, encroachment, crime, and general hardship, want to know why the government is showing them the way they should. If they are sinking while rowing, it is because the boat has a leak. Where is the leak? How can we fix that leak? Monywa Aung Shin, a member of the NLD Central Information Committee who attended the event and participated in the discussion, said that the NLD is standing shoulder to shoulder with CSOs. We discussed again the organizations that the NLD relies on.
If we really want to progress, the government (including the party parliament) needs to have continuous and positive contact with the people and with civil society organizations, which are the bridge between the people.
Thuriya Alin Journal, 14-2-2018.







